Revolutionary Left in UK

"A spectre is haunting Europe - the spectre of Communism. All the Powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre... " (Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, the Communist Manifesto).

To find an answer to the question of whether the spectre of communism and revolutionary left is still haunting UK is the main aim of this article. Before we can do so we will trace it to its modern roots in the past.

Industrial revolution in Britain brought the rise to the capitalist society, a world where previous social bonds crumbled; the impact of which was reflected in Engel's 'Conditions of the Working Class in Britain' and in the accounts of scores of other troubled and appalled observers from Germany to USA.

The Industrial Revolution in Britain polarised the rapid revolutionary changes in France. It was an accumulative phenomenon so it didn't take the country by surprise; its economic character was the defining denominator that shaped the nature of the new society, whereas in France it was instigated by social upheaval.

The poor in the time of growing bourgeois society had three options - they could aspire to become part of bourgeoisie too, or they could keep on being exploited or they could rebel.

One of the major developments in UK was the burgeoning cotton industry, railway and its expansion another crucial component, all giving birth not only to the new system but the birth of its proletariat - capitalism's grave-diggers as Marx and Engels were to proclaim and predict in the Communist Manifesto:

"The development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie, therefore, produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable."

Although we have a running narrative of current society's mouthpieces labelling the lower strata as 'anti-social' as if the social malaise of demoralisation was a phenomenon own to our times, the signs of it were ripe amongst the poor already in this period. Alcoholism, prostitution, infanticide, suicide, and mental health problems, purposeless violence and increase in crime in general, have all been brought into relation with the development of capitalist society during the very beginning of it; it was not a later day denouement. The rise of the mystical and religious cults of the time further testifies to poverty stricken people's incapacity to deal with the upheavals and uncertainty of society, which was breaking down their lives. The transition to the new economy created misery and discontent, which are the materials of social revolution. In this climate rebellion didn't become just an option, but it became necessary.

There were spontaneous risings of the urban and industrial poor. During the 1840's the proletariat as a social movement began to haunt Europe with the spectre of revolt. The vast Chartist movement arose as did the Luddites. Chartist movement was to collapse time and time again due to its political weakness and be revived by the sheer and unbearable burden and hunger of the poor.

The labour movement started with the strikes and other forms of militancy, class consciousness and class ambition started to take shape. The French Revolution gave it confidence and the Industrial Revolution confirmed its need for permanent mobilisation. Occasional protest proved not to be enough, organisation and activity of the movement, be it trade union, the working class institute, newspaper and agitation proved vital. This was mostly evident from 1815 in UK, the call for the universal solidarity with view to break through the sectional and local isolation from 1830.

The idea of socialism or 'co-operative commonwealth' took hold on the minds of the exploited in the emerging class struggle. The beginning of 20th century was no less turbulent. The Great Depression of the thirties saw the rise of the revolutionary left in strength; in such a way that it began to threaten the powers that be with imminent insurrection in many countries, at the same time the Left was virulently persecuted and hunted from one country to another across Europe by the simultaneously rising fascist elements and Nazism itself in Germany. England was a shelter many for the emigres.

During the turbulent and devastating WWII George Orwell wrote:

'The war and revolution are inseparable. We know very well that with its present social structure England cannot survive. We cannot win the war without introducing Socialism. Either we turn this war into a revolutionary war or we lose it.'

Although the war did not turn into what he foresaw as essential, the social structure of England is in great need of revolutionary change up to this day. The welfare state is being swept by the global quandary of unfettered capitalism, which as it swallows all in its wake becomes encumbered by its own weight.

Turning the working class into consumers started in the 1920s, while the chronic saturation of debt has been a development since the late 70s. This is due to the limits set by the system: workers are not given the full value of their labour and capitalists cannot buy back all of their production. Someone else has to buy it and historically this is what happened. As capitalism expanded, pulling everyone into its social relationship, these outside markets began to dry up. Capitalism has compensated with the credit market which has grown exponentially ever since, together with the threat of economic and financial instability. Unsurprisingly it is the working class that pays for this debt crisis, not only in the form of personal debt but also the state debt - taxes. In addition, the financial problems of the state lead to it to cutting public services.

Several of the periods of economic booms since the 50's meant that the working class was less radical than it had been for generations, whilst strong growth improved the bargaining power of workers and underpinned a high level of (localised) shop floor militancy, it also meant that the strikes were short-lived, they did not foster advances in consciousness within the working class and the ruling class could afford year on year increases in pay out of increases in productivity, even if it was the strikes that pushed them in the right direction. The resulting working class apathy could hardly be less promising for the revolutionary left.

Furthermore whereas in the previous period reforms had been wrested from the ruling classes only on the threat of violent insurrection, now these improvements were won largely through peaceful struggles led by the trade unions and political alliances with parliamentary factions of the bourgeoisie, which encouraged illusions that such methods are effective and belief that revolutionary struggle in Britain is unnecessary. The leadership which emerged in this period was deeply influenced by notions of legality and peaceful change, and pursued policies of conciliation and class collaboration.

The trade unions were corroded by Thatcher's assault on their rights during the 1980's and they hadn't recovered to this day. The strike outside of the unions is unheard of now, yet the strike itself is a direct challenge to the bosses. The psychic fear (fear of unemployment, consequential eviction from property or re-possession etc) without the possibility of any act of defence leads the working class into its present day demeanour of apathy and lack of will for any political action to defend their fast disappearing rights. As the welfare state their forbearers demanded in the last century is being dismantled and threatened, they seem to let it pass without putting up a fight, their mindset more and more rewired into consumerism and quietly desperate acceptance. Regardless of it, the striking action is slowly, albeit sporadically, on the rise.

So what state is the revolutionary left of UK in today? Is it effective or defunct, encumbered by past or looking and moving forward, has it learnt from its mistakes?

Presently it may seem that the movement is petering out altogether, that it may not have such prominence and visibility as it had in the last centuries, yet it still exists. The most active of the revolutionary left today would be the anti-fascist organisations, be it Unite Against Fascism, which organises petitions and demonstrations - to oppose BNP and EDL (English Defence League). Also since revolutionary left has always been in favour of internationalism, there are also other international anti-fascist organisations such as AntiFa Network, which is a co-operative umbrella for antifascist and anti-racist groups and organisations worldwide, which facilitates congresses, gathers and distributes news, advices and assists members, etc active in UK also. Apart from fighting racism, xenophobia and bigotry and the dangers the neo-fascists present, these groups are important to keep the working classes from fighting between each other as parts of them become taken in by the right wing's extremes thus underlying the 'rule and divide' method employed by the ruling classes since time immemorial.

The Socialist Party and the Communist Party are still functional. Socialist Worker (Britain) paper is still in circulation, print and online. International Communist Current is active and also publishes its literature and a monthly publication 'World Revolution', Black Flag Anarchist Organisation, Anarchist Federation, Industrial Workers of the World (IWW/Wobblies), Class War and many more organisations and parties are fully functional and active. Why are they not a major force? Some of the previously outlined reasons are responsible as well as the fragmentation due to setbacks, isolation, defeats, negative dialectic of struggles, sectarian conflicts and so on. Discrediting of the ideals of socialism by the Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc's failure and descent into totalitarian regime is yet another reason. Although on one hand the collapse of the Soviet Union strengthened the opposition to socialist ideas, on the other hand radical left became freed of that obscene caricature of socialism. At the end of the 90's the anti-capitalist movement did strengthen regardless of all the prognoses of its death or irrelevance.

Demonstrations against globalisation, against the extreme right wing, the increase of strikes, direct action are not as dead as they would seem when the mass media proclaims and confirms the unchanging nature of status quo, and of course the next day it will report a demonstration to contradict itself and misinform the readers, yet again.

The internet has developed into a completely new way of adding to the modus operandi of the revolutionary left - the net was soon established as a medium which the organisations of the movement are utilising to discuss and crystallise its tactics, theories, news and politics in general as well as strengthening its grassroots methods. It is utilised to organise, to educate and network and mediate between each group, organisation or unaffiliated individuals interested in radical politics. The only factor that would prevent the wider use of the possibilities internet provides for the movement is the surveillance of government, the anonymity being taken away by the umbrella of many laws that strip privacy in many other walks of life as well, the existence of many sites is threatened by closure via the official censure. The key would be and is - adaptability and vigilance. Without a doubt the internet has helped to spread more information, education and sharing of materials and has been proven as an important asset.

The revolutionary left is seldom exposed by mainstream media and thus the general belief that the only possibilities are those on offer by the ruling classes and the bourgeois politics is validated. The pacifism and idealism would lead many to believe that radical change is possible via parliamentary way, but that can only modify and the changes made would be to pacify the working class, and be taken away as soon the government could present a 'justifiable reason' - threats to economy, national security and so on - the workers' rights are always the first to sacrifice, not the boss class bonuses - as has been historically shown.

However the lack of exposure of the revolutionary left in the media is no sign of its failure. By denying and ignoring the revolutionary left the class that rules keeps it away from the consciousness of the classes it strives to subdue and who would be aroused to wake up from the mass hypnoses of the official version of their own country and world. The internet provides great alternative, many independent news sites had sprung up - run by journalists, not just amateur writers, who seek objectivity out of the mainstream media that are ruled by media barons with vested interests and which adopt only one line - the official one to examine the world's and country's events. Media and libraries of leftist literature collect resources which are shared for free as for example Marxist Internet Archive Library. The World Wide Web also promotes solidarity across vast distances and spreads information faster than it was possible before, thus breaking down the nationalist barriers and local isolation. The Anarchist Yellow Pages connect those who want to get active in the movement with organisations and movements. Social Centre Network is another place to look for sharing resources, information and ideas.

In Europe, and especially in UK, the Football culture is often infused with working class politics. In certain parts of the country small football clubs speak out against capitalism, and have large anti-capitalist and anti-racist support bases. This is present even with the major teams, for example Celtic. A lot of this activism is directed toward limiting Nazi groups like C18s ability to try and organise in the football scene.

What is still undeniably a problem for the Left are its sectarian arguments and conflicts, the general lack of unification, which has not produced a force to sweep the old system, nor is its vision cohesive and prepared for replacing and changing capitalism into a fairer economic system with a just society. The movement's crucial issues are also the dichotomy between idealism and realism. Another problem is the constant portrayal of revolution as something that will inevitably usher in another tyrannical regime and thus presenting that it is better to settle with the devil one knows and a resulting rejection of what the revolutionary left strives for from the onset.

It is clear we cannot expect revolution today, nor can we safely say that there will be one, but what we can say is, that we can only work towards it by getting informed and taking an active part in the struggle.

It is very difficult to predict conditions that largely determine what the revolutionary left and the working class in general will have to do to bring on the revolution and instil the radical changes. The extremity of the conditions and the conflicts arising will also determine the "weight" of the revolutionary organisations and movements. The contradiction between danger and necessity in their future struggles can only be overcome by consciousness within them. The creation of society where production is not its main aim, keeping the end goal in sight, as well as keeping the methods of coercion (for the class cannot be naive that the ruling class will give up without counter-pressure) in check, are steps towards transformation of economy and society. It is analogous to art, where the artist always keeps the end goal in mind even as they work on discrete parts of the whole.

Petra Whiteley

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